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Military conflicts have been increasing since 1870, study finds
June 30, 2011
Courtesy of the University of Warwick
and World
Science staff
Military conflicts between states have been increasing in frequency from 1870 to 2001—even without counting the best-known conflagrations such as the world wars and American interventions, a study has found.
The survey of conflict counted everything from all-out shooting wars and uses of military force to displays of force such as sending warships and closing borders. This doesn’t measure the intensity of violence, researchers said, but does capture governments’ readiness to settle disputes by force. Only conflicts between states, not civil wars, were counted.
Identifiable factors behind the increase—two percent more wars each year, on average—are that there are more borders and weapons are cheaper, according to the investigators. By their count, the total number of nations rose from 47 in 1870 to 187 on the eve of the World Trade Center attacks.
“There is a close connection between wars and the creation of states and new borders,” said Mark Harrison of the University of Warwick, U.K., one of the researchers. “This is not reassuring,” he added. “No matter how you divide it, we have only one planet… you can never be quite sure what little conflicts will not suddenly snowball into much wider, more deadly struggles.”
It may seem the world enjoyed relative peace between the Cold War and 9/11, but the study by Harrison and Nikolaus Wolf of Humboldt University, U.K. found that the number of conflicts between pairs of states rose steadily from 6 per year on average between 1870 and 1913 to 17 per year in the period of the two World Wars, 31 per year in the Cold War, and 36 per year in the 1990s.
“The number of conflicts has been rising on a stable trend. Because of two world wars, the pattern is obviously disturbed between 1914 and 1945 but remarkably, after 1945 the frequency of wars resumed its upward course on pretty much the same path as before 1913,” Harrison said.
The findings are to appear in the journal Economic History
Review.
When the researchers discussed their work with colleagues, they said the most frequent questions have been about the extra wars since 1945: “Aren’t these just America’s wars?” and “Aren’t these just coalition wars in which many far flung countries join symbolically, yet most never fire a shot?”
“No” is the answer to both, they said; if one disregards “America’s wars” altogether, the rising trend remains. Other scholars have found that the average distance between countries at war has fallen steadily since the 1950s.
The researchers found that nations with the largest economies have tended to make more frequent military interventions, but there has been no increase in this tendency over 130 years. They also found there is no tendency for richer countries, defined by gross domestic product per head, to make war more often than others, and again this has not changed over 130 years. In other words, the readiness to embark on military adventures is scattered fairly uniformly across the global income distribution.
The increase is puzzling as well as alarming, the researchers said. Conventional wisdom said this shouldn’t be happening. Nations have become richer, more democratic, and more interdependent on the whole. Thinkers of the Enlightenment held that these things should generally make the world more peaceful. Much political science is built on the idea that the leaders of richer, more democratic countries have fewer incentives to make war and are more constrained from doing so.
“We do not think these ideas are wrong, but they are incomplete,” Harrison said. “Without being certain of the answer, we think political scientists have focused too much on preferences for war (the ‘demand side’) and not enough on capabilities (the ‘supply side.’) Capabilities may be the missing factor in the story… we argue that the same factors that should have depressed the incentives for rulers to choose conflict are also increasing the capacity for war. In other words, we are making war more frequently, not because we want to, but because we can.”
Economic growth has made destructive power cheaper, not just in absolute terms but relative to civilian goods, the research argues. Moreover, the key to modern states’ acquisition of destructive power has been the ability to tax and borrow more than ever before, and democracy fosters these capacities. Finally, war disrupts trade, but some countries manage to maintain strong trade despite war and can wage it more effectively as a result.
“Under present international arrangements,” Harrison said, the “deep seated tendency” toward war is “not something that any one country is going to be able to control.”
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Military conflicts between states have been increasing in frequency from 1870 to 2001—even without counting the best-known conflagrations such as the world wars and American interventions, a study has found.
The survey of conflict counted everything from all-out shooting wars and uses of military force to displays of force such as sending warships and closing borders. This doesn’t measure the intensity of violence, researchers said, but does capture governments’ readiness to settle disputes by force. Only conflicts between states, not civil wars, were counted.
Identifiable factors behind the increase—two percent more wars each year, on average—are that there are more borders and weapons are cheaper, according to the investigators. By their count, the total number of nations rose from 47 in 1870 to 187 on the eve of the World Trade Center attacks.
“There is a close connection between wars and the creation of states and new borders,” said Mark Harrison of the University of Warwick, U.K., one of the researchers. “This is not reassuring,” he added. “No matter how you divide it, we have only one planet… you can never be quite sure what little conflicts will not suddenly snowball into much wider, more deadly struggles.”
It may seem the world enjoyed relative peace between the Cold War and 9/11, but the study by Harrison and Nikolaus Wolf of Humboldt University, U.K. found that the number of conflicts between pairs of states rose steadily from 6 per year on average between 1870 and 1913 to 17 per year in the period of the two World Wars, 31 per year in the Cold War, and 36 per year in the 1990s.
“The number of conflicts has been rising on a stable trend. Because of two world wars, the pattern is obviously disturbed between 1914 and 1945 but remarkably, after 1945 the frequency of wars resumed its upward course on pretty much the same path as before 1913,” Harrison said.
When the researchers discussed their work with colleagues, they said the most frequent questions have been about the extra wars since 1945: “Aren’t these just America’s wars?” and “Aren’t these just coalition wars in which many far flung countries join symbolically, yet most never fire a shot?”
“No” is the answer to both, they said; if one disregards “America’s wars” altogether, the rising trend remains. Other scholars have found that the average distance between countries at war has fallen steadily since the 1950s.
The researchers found that nations with the largest economies have tended to make more frequent military interventions, but there has been no increase in this tendency over 130 years. They also found there is no tendency for richer countries, defined by gross domestic product per head, to make war more often than others, and again this has not changed over 130 years. In other words, the readiness to embark on military adventures is scattered fairly uniformly across the global income distribution.
The increase is puzzling as well as alarming, the researchers said. Conventional wisdom said this shouldn’t be happening. Nations have become richer, more democratic, and more interdependent on the whole. Thinkers of the Enlightenment held that these things should generally make the world more peaceful. Much political science is built on the idea that the leaders of richer, more democratic countries have fewer incentives to make war and are more constrained from doing so.
“We do not think these ideas are wrong, but they are incomplete,” Harrison said. “Without being certain of the answer, we think political scientists have focused too much on preferences for war (the ‘demand side’) and not enough on capabilities (the ‘supply side.’) Capabilities may be the missing factor in the story… we argue that the same factors that should have depressed the incentives for rulers to choose conflict are also increasing the capacity for war. In other words, we are making war more frequently, not because we want to, but because we can.”
Economic growth has made destructive power cheaper, not just in absolute terms but relative to civilian goods, the research argues. Moreover, the key to modern states’ acquisition of destructive power has been the ability to tax and borrow more than ever before, and democracy fosters these capacities. Finally, war disrupts trade, but some countries manage to maintain strong trade despite war and can wage it more effectively as a result.
“Under present international arrangements,” Harrison said, the “deep seated tendency” toward war is “not something that any one country is going to be able to control,” Harrison concluded.
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